Showing posts with label Shelby County v Holder. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Shelby County v Holder. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

Alaska Redistricting Board - Riley and Petersburg Ask For A Schedule and Public Hearings, Board Says to Court: Don't Interfere

The Alaska Redistricting Saga continues. It's a little difficult to keep up with this, and I'm not sure I have everything, but here are some court documents that have been filed recently concerning the Alaska Redistricting Board's process for creating a third, and hopefully final, Proclamation Plan (redistricting plan) for the rest of the decade.  (I said third, but I guess it depends on which ones you count. The Board references a second proclamation plan. There was the original and the amended original.  There's also the interim plan that was in place for the 2012 election.)

This post will give an overview of the four documents I've gotten hold of that were filed in May with the Alaska Superior Court.  Then I'll try to go through each of them individually in separate posts.  In the meantime I've posted all four on Scribd and for those who are impatient, and can't sleep, you can look there.  I've linked them at the bottom of this post.  

Background

Their first plan was rejected and they were told to follow the Hickel process.  That means, briefly, that they need to design a plan using the Alaska Constitution's guidelines first.  Then, if necessary, they must make the minimal adjustments necessary to comply with the Voting Rights Act. The last plan was rejected and their next one - the Amended Plan - was also rejected, but was used, with some little changes, as the Interim Plan for the 2012 election because there wasn't enough time for another round before the election. 

In December, the Alaska Supreme Court told them that the Interim Plan that was used for the 2012 election had to be redrawn from scratch.  A couple more appeals and orders from the Court have repeated this order. 

The Board hasn't done much lately.  They had a meeting in February.  They met again in March to select a new Executive Director, but after they were forced to hand out the resumes of the candidates they decided to not hire an Executive Director.  So two plaintiffs have filed with the Superior Court to get the Board moving.


The May Court Filings in Superior Court

The original plaintiff - Riley - May 15, 2013 -  filed a motion with the Alaska Superior Court in Fairbanks
1. to give the Board a schedule that will insure that there will be enough time for Voting Rights Act clearance and for the almost certain lawsuits that will be filed to all be resolved in time for the 2014 election.  At the very latest, that means May 2014 so that the Board of Elections can do its job and so candidates will know the districts they will run in.
2.   to require the Board to hold public hearings before they finalize their plan. 

The City of Petersburg  - May 15, 2013 -  whose original filing was consolidated with Riley before Petersburg dropped out, has filed asking for the same things as Riley - a schedule and a requirement for public hearings. In addition they asked the Court to set a deadline by which the plan should be completed.

The Petersburg's motion is much longer and detailed than the Riley motion, with lots of reasons listed for each request. 


The Alaska Redistricting Board Response - May 22, 2013 - rejects the claims of both Riley and Petersburg.  The Board's two major points were:
A.  It is within the board’s authority to set its administrative schedule and the Board fully intends to comply with the Supreme Court’s order to have a final plan in place for th 2014 elections. 
1.  The Board is an independent constitutionally established entity whose administrative schedule this court has already recognized it does not have the authority to mandate.
2.  The Board has not yet actually adopted a timeline for completion of its work, but if it should follow the Board chair’s draft timeline, that timeline provides more than sufficient time for judicial review of its new plan.
3.  The Board’s decision to wait for the US Supreme Court Decision in the Shelby County Case is rational and reasonable.
4,  The Board’s second amended proclamation plan is not subject to new litigation challengers or full blown litigation.
B.  While the Board has made no decision on whether it will hold public hearings on its second amended proclamation plan, it is clear that the Alaska Constitution does not require public hearings on remand.
There are lots of details backing this up, which I'll try to outline in the following posts.

Finally,
Petersburg - May 24, 2013 - filed a reply to the Redistricting Board's response.
A.  The Board’s Authority to set its timelines
“Petersburg Plaintiffs recognize the Board’s authority to prescribe its own timeline.  However, this authority is by no means absolute and is directly limited by the Board’s obligation to comply with the Supreme Court’s Order that the final plan be adopted before the 2014 elections.”
 It goes on to raise their fear that there will not be enough time and the 2014 election will be held using the current interim plan, which, they point out, the Supreme Court has said, includes unconstitutional  districts in SE Alaska, where Petersburg is.
“B.  The Board should not postpone the Redistricing Process until a decision in Shelby County, AL v. Holder, Att’y Gen., et al., No. 12-96 (November 9, 2012)”

C.  The Board Should prepare for and expect lengthy judicial review
[The Board, in its Response, argued that “the Board’s second amended Proclamation Plan is not subject to new litigation challengers or full blown litigation.”]

“D.  Public Hearings Are Required”
[Note:  I've had trouble with the capitalization - Blogger changed all the title caps in the sections from the filings.  Further I can't cut and paste from pdf's I have.  I'll trust that this won't bother anyone too much.]

You can read each of the documents at the links below:

May 15:  Riley Plaintiffs Motion For Order Establishing Deadlines And To Holding Hearings on Final Plan

May 15:  [City of] Petersburg Plaintiffs' Motion for Adequate Timeline and Public Hearings on the Final Redistricting Plan

May 22:  ARB’s response 20 pages plus exhibits (total 36 pages)
Defendant Alaska Redistricting Board’s Consolidated Opposition To Riley Plaintiff’s Motion For Establishing Deadlines And To Holding Hearings On Final Plan And Petersburg Plaintiffs’ Motion For Adequate Timeline And Public Hearings On the Final Redistricting Plan

May 24:  Petersburg Plaintiffs’ Reply to Defendant Alaska Redistricting Board’s Consolidated Opposition to Riley Plaintiffs’ Motion For Order Establishing Deadlines on Final Plan and Petersburg Plaintiffs’ Motion for Adequate Timeline and Public Hearings on the Final Redistricting Plan


Monday, April 29, 2013

Again, The Alaska Supreme Court Tells Redistricting Board They Meant What They Said

I haven't written about the latest Supreme Court decision on the Alaska Redistricting Board because I didn't have a copy of the order.  I couldn't find it on the Supreme Court website and requested a copy over the weekend. I got one today.  It says pretty much what I expected from the ADN articles (one and two.)  Basically that they meant what they said in the previous orders. 

There was a time when the Board was doing an outstanding job of putting all the paperwork filed before the Alaska Supreme Court on their website.  But they no longer have an Executive Director and the site is on life support.

Basically the Court has said several times now, "You have to start from scratch to create a map of Alaska House districts (the Senate districts are combinations of two House districts) by following only the Alaska Constitution's requirements."  (Following an earlier Supreme Court Decision that calls this the Hickel process.)  Then, and only then, can they make the most minimal changes necessary to those districts to accommodate the requirements of the federal Voting Rights Act.

I'm not sure what the Board's strategy is right now.  It's tempting to assume they're just having a temper tantrum because they didn't get what they wanted from the Court.  But they've been clear that they want to see what the US Supreme Court will do in the Shelby County v. Holder case which challenged the section of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) that requires them to get clearance from the Department of Justice (DOJ) before the plan can become law.  That decision should come in June. 

One would think that this would mean they would get started making a map based on the Alaska Constitution.  That's what the Court keeps telling them they have to do.  Then when the Shelby County decision comes down they would be way ahead.  If they don't have to get clearance from the DOJ, then they should be done, maybe.  (Even though they don't need to get clearance before hand, Alaska Native interests will be making sure that the Board hasn't diluted there representation in the legislature. The rest of the VRA would still be intact and it requires that Alaska Natives (in Alaska's case) be treated fairly.) 

If they are required to still get DOJ clearance, they will have done the first step of the Hickel process - made a map based on the Alaska Constitution.  Their next step would be to make the most minimal adjustments to that map that are necessary to comply with the VRA.

But the ADN reports the Board isn't going to do anything until the Shelby decision is announced.  I can't think of any logical, legitimate reason for the delay that is based on any of the information that I've seen. 

One has to consider their abrupt decision to NOT hire an Executive Director after they interviewed three candidates in March.  They were forced into releasing the resumes of the candidates by the Anchorage Daily News and they held the interviews publicly.  As I reported at the time, I can't see any explanation for their action other than the open session meant they couldn't hire a political ally - Fairbanks aide to former Senator Seekins - and apparent friend of Board Member Holm, Brian Hove.   Of the three candidates who stayed in for the interviews, Hove was by far the least qualified and least prepared.  The obvious choice for the position was a retired army Lt. Col. who had a PhD in Human Geography (important because she possessed the technical GIS skills critical for the job and the social science skills of how to balance the competing requirements) whose doctoral dissertation was on the impact of the military on Alaska Natives.  This is important because it means she's traveled to rural parts of the state and knows a number of the Native leaders - a huge asset in complying with the VRA.  It was after the interviews and apparently in the executive session (which would violate the public meetings act)  that they decided to not hire anyone.  The only explanation my usually imaginative mind can come up with is that they wanted to hire Brian Hove, and would have if the names and interviews had been secret.  But given that everyone could see that he was the least qualified of the three, they had no choice but to choose an executive director with perfect qualifications for the job or decided to not hire anyone.  This suggests to me that they didn't want someone with excellent GIS skills that they didn't control.

There's another dynamic in play here as well.  The board members were appointed by the Governor (2), the Senate President (1), the Speaker of the House (1), and the Supreme Court Chief Justice (1).  The first three, despite the fact that the appointments are to be made without regard to political affiliation, all appointed the four Republicans.  The Supreme Court Chief Justice - the Board's current nemesis - appointed the lone Democrat, Alaska Native Marie Green.

The Board, in public, has been extremely polite and accommodating to Green on all things Native.  And she seems to have decided that as long as the Native issues are resolved to her satisfaction, she'll go along with what the Board wants to do.

But what happens now?  The man who appointed her has retired from the Court, but retired judges can be called into serving in a case from retirement.  Given he was an integral part of this current round of redistricting, and was in on this latest opinion, there is reason to believe he will probably stay on this case until it is resolved.  As some members of the Board become openly hostile toward the Court and Carpeneti in particular, how will this affect their relationship with Green?

More important, if the Shelby case releases the Board from its need for pre-clearance from the DOJ, how will that affect how they treat the Alaska Native districts?  Will they continue to be as solicitous of Green?  Will she continue to be, in public, as cooperative as she's been in the past - always voting with the rest of the members?

Will the Board give up Native seats if they aren't required to get pre-clearance?  What kind of law suits will that cause?  

If the Board stalls long enough will it be too late to make a new map for the 2014 election?  Clearly, the majority is pleased that their redistricting plan has shifted the power in the state legislature strongly to the Republicans.  (If Democrats would have been running the show, they would have tried to shift things in their favor.)  But are they now trying to make the Supreme Court look partisan to help drum up support for those trying to dismantle the Alaska's Judicial Council and its influence on the appointment of judges?  (I have to say in my opinion the Judicial Council has an incredibly open and fair process that gathers assessments of judges from attorneys, jurors, court employees, social workers who deal with the court, and others to rate judges and judicial candidates.)

How much of this recalcitrance is the Court going to take from the Board before they decide to simply appoint a panel to do the redistricting as has happened in prior redistricting?  

(This is starting to sound like a promo for a daytime soap opera isn't it?  Who said redistricting was boring?)

I'm sure there is a lot more going on behind the scenes that I've missed.  I do need to talk to some of the players involved again.  This is just my reaction based on what I've seen at the Board over the last two years.  

Below is the Court's opinion.  They did clarify one point - that the Board didn't need to change all the existing districts as long as they were developed anew as part of the Hickel process. 



In the Supreme Court of the State of Alaska In Re 2011 Redistricting Cases,   

Supreme Court No. S-14721 Order
Date of Order: April 24, 2013
Trial Court Case # 4FA-11-02209CI
Before:    Fabe, Chief Justice, Winfree and Stowers, Justices, and
Matthews and Carpeneti, Senior Justices*

The Alaska Redistricting Board has requested clarification of our order of December 28, 2012, as amended on petition for rehearing on February 12, 2013, in two respects. The Riley respondents oppose the Board’s request for clarification and raise additional matters. Having reviewed the request for clarification, we respond to the Board’s request as follows:

1. A new Hickel plan is required because the legal error found by both the superior court and this court was the Board’s failure to begin by constructing districts to comply with the requirements of the Alaska Constitution.

2. The first step in the redistricting process is to construct districts that comply with the requirements of the Alaska Constitution. As long as the Board begins by constructing districts that meet the requirements of the Alaska Constitution — that is, as long as the Board follows the Hickel process — the fact that a resulting district is the same as or similar to a previous district will not in and of itself preclude the new district from being approved.

3. Whether Article VI, section 10 of the Alaska Constitution requires public
hearings following the adoption of the Board’s plan or plans and whether the Board’s proposed timeline is sufficient to allow judicial review of the Board’s work are not properly before this court. Any party may seek to have these matters heard in the superior court.
* Sitting by assignment made under article IV, section 11 of the Alaska


cc:
Supreme Court Justices
Clerk of the Appellate Courts
/s/ _______________________________ Jolene Hotho, Deputy Clerk
WINFREE, Justice, would deny the motion, and therefore dissents.

Distribution:
Michael J Walleri
Jason Gazewood Gazewood & Weiner PC
1008 16th Avenue, Suite 200 Fairbanks AK 99701

Thomas F Klinkner
Birch Horton Bittner & Cherot
1127 W 7th Ave Anchorage AK 99501

Michael D White/Nicole Corr
Patton Boggs LLP
601 W 5th Ave Ste 700 Anchorage AK 99501

Natalie A Landreth
Native American Rights Fund
801 B St Ste 401 Anchorage AK 99501

Joseph N. Levesque
Levesque Law Group,LLC
3380 C Street Suite 202 Anchorage AK 99503

Carol Brown
Association of Village Council Presidents
PO Box 219 101A Main Street Bethel AK 99550

Marcia R. Davis
Calista Corporation 3
01 Calista Court Anchorage AK 99518

A. Rene Broker Jill Dolan
Fairbanks North Star Borough
PO Box 71267 Fairbanks AK 99707

Scott A Brandt-Erichsen
Ketchikan Gateway Borough
1900 1st Ave Ste 215 Ketchikan AK 99901

Thomas E. Schulz
715 Miller Ride Road Ketchikan AK 99901

Joseph H McKinnon
1434 Kinnikinnick St Anchorage AK 99508

Christopher Lundberg
Haglund Kelley Jones & Wilder, LLP
200 SW Market Street, Suite 1777 Portland OR 97201-5771

Brooks W Chandler
Boyd Chandler & Falconer LLP
911 W 8th Ave Ste 302 Anchorage AK 99501

Jonathan K. Tillinghast
James Sheehan
E. Budd Simpson, III
Simpson, Tillinghast, Sorensen & Lorensen
One Sealaska Plaza, Suite 300
Juneau AK 99801

[I put very few links in this post.  Just about every sentence could be linked to an older post that goes into more detail or explanation.  If you want more, go to the Alaska Redistricting Board tab at the top of the page or click here.  It has an annotated index of all the posts on the Redistricting Board.]

Tuesday, March 19, 2013

How Could Redistricting Board NOT Hire Laurel Hummel? Political Neutrality Appears Ripped To Shreds - Part 2

In Part 1, I went through a chronology leading up to the Board's decision to not hire anyone including a brief explanation of why I thought Laurel Hummel was a perfect candidate for the job.  In Part 1.5 I looked at the 1982 Supreme Court decision on public meetings the Anchorage Daily News used to get the candidate interviews public.  It appears they didn't follow the law completely in this process.

In this post I'm going to explore some reasons why she wasn't selected.
 

So, why did the Board not choose Hummel (or anyone)?


Explanation 1.   The Board wanted to hire someone they knew would do their partisan bidding and keep it all confidential. 

The Board had lined up a Republican party loyalist they would hire for this $95.000 - $113,000 position who would do their bidding and keep the partisan tampering with the district borders confidential.  They did go through a public search and had six applicants.  They were set to keep the names of the applicants confidential as well as their resumes.  They would then interview them in executive session and announce the new executive director, who would be a Republican loyalist.

But then at the last minute, the Anchorage Daily News challenged the process of keeping the names and resumes secret as well as the secrecy of the interviews.  This has all been hashed out in a 1982 Supreme Court case and the Board didn’t have much choice.

If they cancelled the interviews because they were required to do things publicly, it would look like they were trying to hide something.  In the end they interviewed three candidates. 

  • The first was ok, but didn't have particular expertise in this area.  
  • The second candidate turned out to be a superstar perfectly matched for the position in terms of technical GIS experience,  Alaska Native experience, and management experience.  And a vet!  What could be better?  
  • The third candidate, a former Republican legislative staffer,  who chaired his unsuccessful primary candidacy in 2012, totally bombed the interview - his answers showed no preparation or ability to think well on his feet. 

Clearly Dr. Laural Hummel was by far the best applicant and fully qualified for the job.

And then the bombshell.  Suddenly they decided, out of public view, that they wouldn’t hire anyone.  The only reason an organization doesn't hire after they've interviewed candidates is that none of the candidates was good enough.  But in this case, they had a super candidate based on their job description. 

The only explanation that makes sense to me is that they had assumed that they would simply be able to pick their preordained candidate.   As an anonymous commenter on the previous post noted - they didn’t want someone truly competent who they couldn’t control inside the sausage factory when they made the districts.  Not only was the super-applicant very skilled in all aspects of the job which meant she might be able to figure out totally fair districts, the Anchorage Daily News found out she was a Democrat.  There was no way they wanted a competent Democrat in the middle of the process. (They seemed to have worked out something with the lone Democrat on the Board - if they work with her on the Native districts, she'll ignore other issues.  I'm not blaming her; she had a very difficult job here.  And her cultural norms likely are to avoid public conflict.)

So, they just decided to not hire anyone.  Without an open interview, we wouldn’t have been any wiser and they could have hired their political crony. 

Of course, this is all conjecture, but it seems to make the most sense. All the facts are consistent with this narrative and the other explanations (see below) don't make sense.

The Board hasn’t publicly offered any more plausible alternative explanation.  Actually, as I pointed out in the previous post, the decision to not hire anyone should have - by law - been made in a public session and the reasons and the vote should have been public.  But they weren’t. 

I emailed the Board Chair and several other Board members to get some explanation but no one has replied, even though this blog has covered the Board meetings since they first got the 2010 census data in March 2011.  It's been more than three days now with no reply.   
 
Rich Mauer at the Anchorage Daily News got a couple of short responses from two Board members.

Explanation 2:  "there wasn't much need for an executive director now because of a case pending before the U.S. Supreme Court that could influence Alaska's redistricting."  from Board member Bob Brodie.

Let's see now.  They've known about the Supreme Court case since at least October or November.  The Board met February 12.   Their attorney discussed the Supreme Court case at length with the Board and they went on with planning to hire an Executive Director.  The March dates were right on schedule based on their plan.

It's true that they did make their decision before the case was heard on February 27 and before the press speculated that there was a good chance that the conservative majority on the Court would take action to somehow modify Sec. 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

But then why didn't they just cancel the search earlier?  Why wait until after the interviews?  Because in the interviews it became clear that, because the interviews were, at the last minute, forced into public view, they wouldn't be able to hire their pre-ordained candidate.  He just came off so poorly - both his experience and how he related it - that even they knew they couldn't be that blatant.  Dr. Hummel was just way too good to pick anyone else over her.  But deciding not to hire anyone is almost as blatant.

They actually do need an Executive Director but they didn't want to hire someone who could make their partisan machinations harder to pull off.  Deciding they didn't want a director was just an excuse for not having to hire Hummel.

Whatever the US Supreme Court decides on Shelby County v. Holder, the Board does have to first make a map of the districts based only on the criteria in the Alaska Constitution.  Only then, do they adjust those districts to also meet the Voting Rights Act.  So, a director who knows about mapping and has great management, supervisory, and coalition building skills would be a great asset. If the Court changes the Sec. 5 requirements, then they could still use a competent director to wrap up all the work they have left. 

Explanation 3.   "the most important job now is mapping, and that requires an expert in geographic information systems software." - from Board member PeggyAnn McConochie

Again, the obvious flaw in this argument is that they waited to make this decision until after they'd interviewed the candidates.  If all they needed was a GIS expert, they should have cancelled the Executive Director search earlier.  It is true they need someone who can do the GIS mapping.  And they told each applicant that they plan to hire one.  But last time around they relied on their Executive Director to do a lot of this work.  And Dr. Laurel Hummel can do this.  She's got a PhD in geography and knows the software.  They need an Executive Director - to mange all the day-to-day things like keep the website working and deal with all the administrative stuff the Board needs taken care of.

This sounds way too much like an after-the-fact cover up explanation as does Brodie's.  


I've pounded my head to figure out other possible explanations.  Maybe they'd offered her the job, but couldn't offer her enough pay and she turned them down.  But that makes no sense for several reasons:
  1. The pay was on the job announcement so she would have known what was available before applying, and it's a very good salary for this position.
  2. It's a temporary job.  And for Dr. Hummel a perfect job for her skill set.  The money is more than sufficient.  She wouldn't have turned it down. 
  3. If she had turned down the job, they would have told us that and avoided this bizarre turn of events.

So, Steve, (you ask) how can you be so confident this is about partisan gerrymandering?



It's no secret that redistricting is highly political.  The stakes are no less than who wins the elections and thus gets to make policy.  The New York Times wrote as the census data was coming out  in spring 2011:
"Beyond hiring lobbyists, major players in Washington — including high-priced lawyers, union officials, House leaders and national party operatives — are spending time and money to influence how officials in state capitals design the political maps that will affect the balance of power in Congress for the next decade.
The stakes are enormous, with Republicans looking to use their control of a majority of statehouses to cement their hold on the House in 2012 and beyond."
Alaska's redistricting doesn't affect Congress since we only have one member of the House of Representatives, but it does affect how the oil companies are taxed and that's a giant issue here.

The Charleston Tea Party website stated it more bluntly:
"Activists should lobby their governor and their state legislatures.  Demand that they exact the full price of reapportionment.  Demand that they exact the full price of their newly gained redistricting powers.  Nothing less is acceptable." 

Yet, the Board's guidelines, set out by their attorney Michael White early in the process, and approved by the Board, included four federal Constitutional principles, including no political gerrymandering.

The Alaska Redistricting Board shall use the following criteria in order of priority listed  in adopting a redistricting plan for the State of Alaska. 
1.   Federal Constitutional Redistricting Principles

A.  One Person, One Vote”. Standard established by US Supreme Court in Baker v. Carr & Reynolds v. Sims. According to “one person, one vote”, legislative seats must be apportioned exclusively on the basis of population and the populations of the respective legislative districts must be substantially equal.

B.   Districts of as nearly as equal size as practicable. Maximum overall deviation of no more than 10%, (i.e., plus or minus 5%).  Deviation is the measure of how much a district or plan varies from the ideal. Good faith efforts to make deviations as small as practicable must be made.

C.  No purposeful discrimination against a group that has been consistently excluded from the political process.

D.   No political or racial gerrymandering.

So, if gerrymandering is part of the equation, the Board can't talk about it, because it's illegal.  But it's also hard to prove.  Unless you have a professional on the staff, who is also a registered Democrat who might be willing to blow the whistle if they illegally give Republicans an edge in the mapping. 

I wasn't watching previous redistricting boards ten or twenty years ago, so I don't know how this board operated compared to previous boards.

There were some actions that suggested this board was tinkering with district lines to give Republicans an advantage.  Most notably in Fairbanks.  The first stab at Fairbanks was presented by Board member Holm and approved by the Board with almost no discussion.   Holm, a former Fairbanks legislator who'd lost the previous election to Democrat Scott Kawaski, claimed that he had no idea how the map affected incumbents.   Yet the map had carefully cut out from Kawaski's district, an address listed in the phone book as S. Kawaski.  (It turned out to be Scott's sister's place.  Her name is Sonia.)  Later Fairbanks maps split the City of Fairbanks into different Senate seats (for the first time ever) and had protrusions that included or excluded people in a way that clearly was intended to favor Republicans.

Anchorage's Democratic Senator Davis, Alaska's lone African-American legislator, had a  much more conservative Eagle River district added to her district and lost her reelection bid.  There were a number of other such little adjustments where intention is hard to prove, but the results - such as the toppling of the Senate bi-partisan coalition - would seem to demonstrate.

Plus, long time Republican party chair Randy Ruedrich was a regular presence at Board meetings and often hung around afterward discussing the political implications of district lines with the staff.  I know because I watched him do it on occasion.  The Democratic party chair was also at many meetings, but didn't seem to have the same rapport with the staff, including Executive Director Taylor Bickford who had worked as the 2010 Republican Victory Director for  Ruedrich, just before becoming the deputy director of the board. (He later became director after the unexpected death of director Ron Miller.)

So, given the close ties the previous Executive Director had to the Republican Party chair, it is not stretching it too far to think that the majority of the Board was looking for a similar type of person for the position now.  Not only would this mean that the new director would be amenable to tampering with district lines to favor Republicans, but it's also a good state job for a year or so for a party loyalist.  And the remuneration is nothing to sneeze at.  The job announcement lists the annual salary at "$95,316 to $113,364 depending on experience."

The Alaska Human Rights Commission  does not list political affiliation as an illegal reason to discriminate.   However, it is customary in labor relations that you cannot reject an applicant for a factor that is not listed in the job announcement or job description.  The Board's job announcement did not mention party affiliation as a required or even desired factor for the job.

And the  Alaska Constitution says:
"Appointments [to the Board] shall be made without regard to political affiliation."
This refers to appointing Board members, not staff, but if that standard is there for the board members, it would be reasonable for it to apply to the staff as well. 


Absent any more plausible explanation from the Board, I'm left to conclude that they expected to do this in private and the Daily News' demand that it be public caught them with their pants down.  With everything in view, everyone could see that Dr. Hummel was not only the best qualified, but a perfect fit for the job.  They could also see the political choice they most likely were expecting to hire after a secret process without names made public, was clearly the least qualified of the three.

That meant they couldn't pick their favored candidate and they were afraid to have such a competent Democrat in their inner workings so they wouldn't be able to diddle with the lines enough to keep a healthy Republican majority in the legislature.

I hope the Supreme Court keeps this in mind when they have to evaluate whether this Board can do their job without political gerrymandering. 

Someone I talked to suggested that perhaps the Board would do another search later, waiting for Dr. Hummel to take another job first. We should all be watching. 

Sunday, March 17, 2013

How Could Redistricting Board NOT Hire Laurel Hummel? Political Neutrality Appears Ripped To Shreds - Part 1

In Write Hard, Die Free, Howard Weaver writes of his frustration as a reporter in Juneau constrained by journalistic convention from actually telling what he knew about what was going on:
"Journalists were objective, right?  Just the facts, ma'am.  I wrote a few stories that tried to poke through the public illusion of the legislature as a high-minded, public-spirited institution, but somewhere between the copy desk in Anchorage and my own constipated sense of fairness they often wound up being  'he-said, she-said' stalemates at best."(pp. 56-57)
I've been covering the Redistricting Board since March 2011.  I generally try to present the facts and let the readers come to their own conclusions.  But sometimes, like now, I feel like Weaver.  And so in these two posts, I'm going to try to explain what I think is going on here and why.  I'm going to comment on the visible facts and speculate on what we can't see.

In this post I'll give the background.   In the next post I'll move to speculation about why this has happened.


The Perfect Applicant Gets Rejected


If God herself had wanted to intervene in the Alaska Redistricting process, She could not have created a more perfect candidate to be the Board's Executive Director than Laurel Hummel.

Yet they chose not to hire anyone.  How could that be?

The job requires knowledge of geography and mapping including GIS.  

Laurel Hummel has a PhD in Geography, specifically human geography which would come in particularly handy when the board has to determine things like socio-political [economic] integration of districts.  She was modest about her GIS skills - she hadn't taught a class on GIS.  She'd only used it and only knew the names of various software that was used to do GIS.  And the kind she had used was the kind the Board used.  The previous director had gone to classes to learn GIS as part of his on-the-job training, and she's apologizing for not having taught it!  [GIS is geographic information systems]

This job requires knowledge of Alaska Native culture.  

Laurel Hummel did her doctoral dissertation on the impact of the US military in Alaska on the Alaska Native population. As part of her dissertation she traveled around Alaska meeting Alaska Native leaders to discuss those impacts.  She's a human geographer and talked about how by understanding that different people had different 'truths' one could hope to understand them and find ways to consensus.

The job requires management skills including working with the press and consensus building and understanding confidentiality.   

Laurel Hummel went through a long list of examples of situations in her 30 year military career where she displayed these skills, including the integration of women in Afghan institutions (I didn't quite get the details here - it may have been the Parliament [a reader emailed it was the army]) and the fact that she worked in Army Intelligence had given her lots of understanding of   confidentiality.  She pointed out that in the Board's case, there was certain information that must be made public, other information that should be public, and information that has to be confidential.  She also said that unlike in some of her military situations, here there were no enemies.  That she regarded the public and the media as part of the process.  (Maybe that's what got her in trouble with the Board.)

There were things that she didn't have personal experience actually using - like the Alaska Public Meetings Law, or the Alaska Administrative Procedures Act.  Yet she had read them, discussed them knowledgeably, and had dealt with similar laws at the federal level.  It wouldn't take long to get up to speed.  Like a day maybe.  Compared with the need to get up to speed with the GIS software, which the Board all had to do, but which Hummel already has used.  This is a non-issue.

There was nothing about this candidate not to love for this job.


Chronology of the hiring process

Feb 12  - After the Alaska Supreme Court said, in December, that the Board had to start all over because they hadn't followed the Hickel Process, the Board met to discuss its next steps.   After a lengthy legal discussion about the Alaska Supreme Court decision, the Board's Petition for Reconsideration,  and the Shelby County v. Holder decision still to be heard at the US Supreme Court then, they talked about their time line for finishing up.  This included interviewing for a new Executive Director around March 14.

Feb. 24 - The Alaska Supreme Court rejected the Board's petition for reconsideration.

Feb. 27 - The US Supreme Court heard the Shelby County v. Holder case and court watchers speculated that the conservatives on the court sounded inclined to rule for Shelby County, though it was not clear how sweeping such a ruling might be.

March 8 - The Board posted notice of meetings on March 13-14 to review applications and interview applicants on their website.  There was a link for people who wanted to listen online.

Screen shot from Board's website - click to make it bigger and clearer


March 12 - I contacted the Board to find out if there would be a back up phone-in option if the LIO connection didn't work. (This has happened in the past.)  I was told that the Chair had decided that since the meeting would mostly be in Executive Session and there would only be a brief public opening of the meeting, there wouldn't be a teleconference of the meeting. 

March 13 - I checked back in the morning and talked to the Chair pointing out that the agenda had the attorney talking about legal issues before the Executive Session and the Board member comments after the session.  I also pointed out that the teleconference link had been advertised on their website.  He said he'd think about it and shortly after I got a call saying I would be able to listen via the Legislative tv channel online. 

The Board met.  Board attorney White spoke about the Shelby County case and its possible impacts on the Board's work, then the Board went into Executive Session.

I also had asked how many applicants there were (originally six, but one had dropped out at that point) and was told that they would all be interviewed.  I knew about the 1982 Alaska Supreme Court decision saying that for high level policy making positions, applicants' names and resumes needed to be available to the public.  So I emailed back to get the names and was told that no one had asked that question, they hadn't gotten permission from the applicants to release the information.  So no I couldn't have them.

March 14 - At the meeting, attorney White explained that the Anchorage Daily News requested that the Board release the names of the applicants and referred to the Supreme Court case.  He said they had notified the applicants that their names would be released.  One applicant dropped out rather than be publicly noted.  Another dropped out, not having  realized the job wasn't permanent.  White also said it wasn't clear whether it was required to have the interviews public, but the Board had decided to do that.

So, at the last minute, the Board released the names and the interviews were public.

UPDATES:
In the next post, I'll speculate on why the Board did not choose a new Executive Director.

Actually, the next post turned out to be a look at the Supreme Court case the Anchorage Daily News cited in getting the meeting opened.  Examining it, it's clear that the decision to NOT hire should have been made in public too.  Actually most of the deliberations on the candidates should have been in public.

Wednesday, March 13, 2013

Redistricting Board: Impact of US Supreme Court Shelby County Case and Alaska VRA Challenges

The Board is meeting now to review the applicants for their vacant Executive Director position.  Because the Alaska Supreme Court ruled they must pretty much start all over again, they needed a new ED.

The Board Chair knew that the Board would be going into Executive Session to discuss the personnel issues and figured there would be very little on the public record and no need for the LIO link.  I was able to talk to him before the meeting and pointed out that 1)  the agenda included attorney comments before Executive Session, 2) Board member comments after the Executive Session, and 3) the LIO access had been posted on their website.

Soon after I got a call from the Administrative Assistant that it would be on LIO.  There was some difficulty with the connection, but by 1:10 it was on.  Board Chair Torgerson was loud and clear, but staff attorney Michael White was hard to hear so my notes are incomplete.

Basically there were two issues attorney White discussed:

  1. How would the US Supreme court Shelby County v. Holder case affect the Board's work?
  2. How would the Alaska case challenging Alaska's need to be covered by Sec. 5 of the VRA affect the Board's work? 

His response was hard to hear.  Basically I think he said if Shelby County prevails, we might not have to get pre-clearance.  It wasn't clear to me what he said about benchmarks - whether the board would have to still try to make sure Native voting power is preserved in the Native districts.

I don't know the details of the state's legal challenge of the VRA though White mentioned something about a fire in a village about 30 days before the election and the state couldn't move the polling places without preclearance but the village was moved and . . .  I'll have to check on those details.

By the end of the teleconference, there were six others listening in besides me, so that's not insignificant given how little publicity this had and how on-again-off-again the LIO coverage was.  Here's a screenshot from the LIO page just before the Executive Session.  (It was audio only, not video.)

I just got word that it's not clear if they will come back onto the LIO after the Executive Session today, but they will be on LIO at the start tomorrow before Executive Session.

The email said:
They start at 9:00AM and the first interview is at 9:10. I will work with the LIO to schedule coming back on when they are done with the executive session. . . The interviews are scheduled for 50 minute intervals and the last one is scheduled to begin at 1:20 PM. I don't know if they will break for lunch or have a break after the interviews.
 There are five candidates to be interviewed.  I'll post this now and then go through my very, very rough notes (it was really hard to hear) and try to edit them a bit.  And add them below shortly.  

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

Alaska's Stake in Shelby County v. Holder - Before US Supreme Court Wednesday - Updated

[UPDATE Feb. 27 8:30am AK TimeSCOTUSBlog's coverage of the arguments before the court today suggests a majority appears ready to invalidate Section 5.]

[UPDATE Feb. 28 7:00am AK Time:  Alaska US Senator Mark Begich released this statement on the Voting Rights Act:
“I hope the Supreme Court will carefully consider the case made by Alaska Natives that we still need protections of the Voting Rights Act. I am especially concerned about protecting VRA in light of recent steps by the State and some legislators to create new barriers to voting. Unfortunately, there are still many obstacles when it comes to voting in Alaska and especially in rural Alaska where Native languages are still the primary language for elders.  The Voting Rights Act has protected thousands of Alaskans from voter disenfranchisement that does still persist today.”]


Alaska is one of 16 states required to get pre-clearance from the Department of Justice for their redistricting plans.  It's one of just seven states who are covered in their entirety by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act (VRA).  The other states only have some jurisdictions that are covered.  

Alaska's Redistricting Board has been ordered to redraw their redistricting plan (already used in the 2012 election) because they drew it first with the VRA as their guide rather than using the Alaska Constitution as their guide.   If Section 5 of the VRA were to be thrown out, it would signifiantly change the redidistricting proceaa in Alaska. 

On Wednesday, February 27, the US Supreme Court hears a case that challenges the continuing validity of Section 5.



Here's a case overview from the NAACP's LDF (Legal and Educational Defense Fund):

Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, et al.
On February 27, 2013, the United States Supreme Court will hold oral argument in Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, et al.   Shelby County is challenging the constitutionality of the Voting Rights Act (VRA), one of our nation’s most effective civil rights laws. The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. (“LDF”) will argue before the court in defense of the Voting Rights Act and repre sents Defendant-Intervenors, including five Black ministers and a councilman from Shelby County whose district was eliminated, but later restored because of the VRA. Shelby County seeks to strike down the heart of theVoting Rights Act, Section 5, which requires jurisdictions with the worst histories of persistent racial discrimination in voting to obtain federal approval, or “preclearance” before any voting changes become legally enforceable. The process of preclearance ensures that proposed voting changes in these places do not harm the voting rights of voters of color. Shelby County seeks to invalidate Section 5 not only in Alabama, but in all of the 16 states that are covered either in whole or in part.
In 2008, Calera, a city in Shelby County, conducted a legally unenforceable election after it redrew its political boundaries without receiving the required preclearance. As a result, the city’s only Black councilman, Ernest Montgomery, lost his seat. Councilman Montgomery’s district consisted of 70% registered Black voters before Calera redrew its political boundaries. After the district was redrawn, registered Black voters were just 29.5% of the population. Because it did not comply with the Voting Rights Act, Calera was required to draw a nondiscriminatory redistricting plan and to conduct another election with the legally - approved plan. In this lawful election, Calera’s voters re-elected Mr. Montgomery

SCOTUS Blog discusses this case and explains that in a previous case - NAMUDNO - the Court did not invalidate Section 5, but it did hint that Congress should revisit the need for it, which Congress has not done. SCOTUS continued:
Moreover, the Court continued, the Act’s role in improving minority voting in the past does not, standing alone, mean that the preclearance requirement can or should remain in effect going forward:  rather, “the Act imposes current burdens and must be justified by current needs.”  And in particular, the Court emphasized, because the formula that the Act uses to determine which state and local governments must obtain preclearance appeared to the Court to be outdated, the problems that Section 5 was enacted to prevent are not necessarily most prevalent in the states that are required to obtain preclearance.  To the contrary, the Court explained, states that are covered by Section 5 have a lower gap between voter registration and turnout for white and black voters than the national average.
In response, Congress left the statute unchanged; it did not modify the coverage formula.  That set the stage for Wednesday’s case.
Shelby County, Alabama, is required to obtain preclearance for any changes to its voting procedures because Alabama has been covered by the Act since 1965.  In 2010, Shelby County filed papers asking a federal court to issue the ruling that the utility district did not get in NAMUDNO:  that Section 5 is unconstitutional.
- See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Moreover, the Court continued, the Act’s role in improving minority voting in the past does not, standing alone, mean that the preclearance requirement can or should remain in effect going forward:  rather, “the Act imposes current burdens and must be justified by current needs.”  And in particular, the Court emphasized, because the formula that the Act uses to determine which state and local governments must obtain preclearance appeared to the Court to be outdated, the problems that Section 5 was enacted to prevent are not necessarily most prevalent in the states that are required to obtain preclearance.  To the contrary, the Court explained, states that are covered by Section 5 have a lower gap between voter registration and turnout for white and black voters than the national average. 
In response, Congress left the statute unchanged; it did not modify the coverage formula.  That set the stage for Wednesday’s case. 
Shelby County, Alabama, is required to obtain preclearance for any changes to its voting procedures because Alabama has been covered by the Act since 1965.  In 2010, Shelby County filed papers asking a federal court to issue the ruling that the utility district did not get in NAMUDNO:  that Section 5 is unconstitutional.
The kink in the current Alaska redistricting process stems from the fact that Alaska is also required to get pre-clearance for redistricting because of Section 5.  If the Board hadn't needed to maintain the existing number of Native districts in Alaska, they wouldn't have the conflict they now have between meeting the VRA and the State Constitutional requirements.  (That doesn't mean they wouldn't have had other problems.) 

So one issue that came up at the last Board meeting was the possibility that Sec. 5 would be thrown out by the US Supreme Court and they should wait to redraw their lines until that decision is published.

Of course, that doesn't prevent them from doing the first part the Alaska Supreme Court ordered - making a plan that complies with the Alaska State Constitution.  That would be step one in the Court mandated "Hickel Process."  Then, if Sec. 5 of the VRA is upheld, they could go on to make the necessary changes to their plan to comply with the Voting Rights Act.    If Sec. 5 is thrown out, I'm not sure what the next steps are.  Other sections of the VRA are not being challenged in this case.

If the Board did not retain the same number of Native districts, presumably Native organizations would go to court arguing that even though they didn't need pre-clearance, they are still are forbidden to discriminate.  Except the other parts of the VRA, if I understand this, are about intentional discrimination, which is harder to prove.  If they didn't come up with the same number of Native districts, it would also strongly suggest that they were less interested in not discriminating than in not having their plan rejected by the DOJ.  Once that threat was gone, well, we should just wait and see.

More on Shelby from Scotus Blog:
In its brief in the merits, Shelby County echoes the Court’s admonition in NAMUDNO that Section 5 imposes “current burdens,” which must be justified by “current needs.”  Even if the states covered by Section 5 may have discriminated in the past, it argues, that does not automatically mean that they are still discriminating now, and Congress shouldn’t have passed new legislation renewing Section 5 until 2031 unless it put together evidence showing that the extension of the law was actually necessary – which it did not.  And if some isolated problems do remain, there are other, less draconian remedies to combat them, such as filing a lawsuit under another provision of the VRA to challenge the discriminatory practice or procedure.  Finally, even if Congress did accurately identify some instances of racial discrimination in voting, Shelby County asserts, there is no guarantee that Section 5 will help:  because the criteria used to determine which states must comply with Section 5 use voter registration and turn-out data from the early 1970s, states that adopt discriminatory practices now may not be subject to Section 5 at all and vice versa. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
In its brief in the merits, Shelby County echoes the Court’s admonition in NAMUDNO that Section 5 imposes “current burdens,” which must be justified by “current needs.”  Even if the states covered by Section 5 may have discriminated in the past, it argues, that does not automatically mean that they are still discriminating now, and Congress shouldn’t have passed new legislation renewing Section 5 until 2031 unless it put together evidence showing that the extension of the law was actually necessary – which it did not.  And if some isolated problems do remain, there are other, less draconian remedies to combat them, such as filing a lawsuit under another provision of the VRA to challenge the discriminatory practice or procedure.  Finally, even if Congress did accurately identify some instances of racial discrimination in voting, Shelby County asserts, there is no guarantee that Section 5 will help:  because the criteria used to determine which states must comply with Section 5 use voter registration and turn-out data from the early 1970s, states that adopt discriminatory practices now may not be subject to Section 5 at all and vice versa.
Now maybe there is a higher standard for laws that require states to get permission from the federal government before they can do something like redistricting.  But I don't think that Congress is required to justify their laws through research.  If that were the case, it seems like the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which is challenged in another case coming up before the Supreme Court would stand little chance of surviving.

But then there's the government's strategy (still from SCOTUS):
When Solicitor General Don Verrilli goes to the Court on Wednesday to defend Section 5, the government’s pleas to “trust Congress” may fall flat with a majority of the Court, which is likely to be genuinely frustrated that Congress hasn’t heeded the warnings that it issued in NAMUDNO four years ago.  Moreover, the oral argument comes just a few months after Chief Justice administered the oath of office to the nation’s first African-American president for the second time, which opponents of Section 5 read as an indication that the strict measures of the Voting Rights Act are unnecessary. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
When Solicitor General Don Verrilli goes to the Court on Wednesday to defend Section 5, the government’s pleas to “trust Congress” may fall flat with a majority of the Court, which is likely to be genuinely frustrated that Congress hasn’t heeded the warnings that it issued in NAMUDNO four years ago.  Moreover, the oral argument comes just a few months after Chief Justice administered the oath of office to the nation’s first African-American president for the second time, which opponents of Section 5 read as an indication that the strict measures of the Voting Rights Act are unnecessary.
Irony after irony.  In the DOMA case, the government will definitely not being arguing to trust Congress.  But the Obama argument seems to fall flat, because of the 16 states that need pre-clearance, most voted against Obama.  Based on a formula which included whether the states had 'tests' which served as obstacles to voting and looked at the percentage of eligible voters who actually voted.  Seven states are covered in their entirety:  Alabama, Alaska, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Virginia.  Only Virginia voted for Obama.  The other nine states are have only a portion of their states covered by Sec. 5:  Arizona,  Hawaii, Idaho, North Carolina, California, Florida, Michigan, New York, South Dakota. Of these nine, five - California, Florida, Hawaii, Michigan, and New York voted for Obama.


In California's case,  Kings, Merced, Monterey, and Yuba counties are covered because, according to the California State Senate (I think) website:
Results of the 1970 census led to four California counties – Kings, Merced, Monterey, and Yuba – triggering Section 5 voter thresholds and falling under the protection of the Department of Justice. What did these counties have in common? Each was a largely rural county that housed a US military base. High numbers of minority soldiers drafted and mobilized for deployment to Vietnam, with low rates of voter participation skewed voting statistics and triggered Section 5 protections.
Three of the four counties voted for Obama.   There is a provision in the Act that allows for jurisdictions to bail out of Section 5.  According to the Leadership Conference:
The VRA rewards progress in these covered jurisdictions by allowing them to “bail out” or have their coverage under Section 5 terminated after achieving a clean record of nondiscriminatory voting practices for ten years.  This flexibility ensures that the geographic reach of Section 5 applies only to jurisdictions that continue efforts to discriminate in voting based on race. Not a single jurisdiction that has sought the opportunity to leave Section 5 coverage since 1982 has been turned down. 
The Supreme Court previously clarified the bailout provision in its ruling on NAMUDNO v. Holder in 2009. Since then, more than 125 jurisdictions have bailed out.
 They had a press conference with the author of an amicus brief in the Shelby County case who they describe this way:
"Gerry Hebert, attorney to 174 bailed out jurisdictions and author of an amicus brief filed by jurisdictions that have bailed out"
When Solicitor General Don Verrilli goes to the Court on Wednesday to defend Section 5, the government’s pleas to “trust Congress” may fall flat with a majority of the Court, which is likely to be genuinely frustrated that Congress hasn’t heeded the warnings that it issued in NAMUDNO four years ago.  Moreover, the oral argument comes just a few months after Chief Justice administered the oath of office to the nation’s first African-American president for the second time, which opponents of Section 5 read as an indication that the strict measures of the Voting Rights Act are unnecessary. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Just three years ago, in a case called NAMUDNO v. Holder, the Court considered a challenge to the constitutionality of the preclearance requirement brought by a small utility district in Texas.  Although the utility district did not itself have any history of racial discrimination in voting, it was still required to get “preclearance” under Section 5 for any changes because it has an elected board.  When the Court issued its opinion, it declined to decide whether Section 5 was constitutional.  Instead, it held simply that the utility district could and should apply for a “bailout” from the preclearance requirement – that is, a declaration that it was no longer subject to Section 5 because it no longer discriminated against minority voters – which in turn eliminated the need for the Court to weigh in on the constitutionality of Section 5 in that case. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
 The link takes you to the amicus brief which discusses the bail out process.  Here's a short excerpt of the page brief:

Petitioner denies that there is a “nexus” between
bailout under the current Act and the coverage for-
mula, but this claim is contradicted by the structure
and history of the bailout provisions. Pet. Br. at 57.
The current requirements of the bailout provisions
reflect the criteria of the coverage formula: both
inquire as to the use of discriminatory “tests or
devices,” and look to voter registration rates and
voter turnout. 42 U.S.C. § 1973b(a), (b).  See Section
I.B. infra. Furthermore, throughout the history of the
Act, jurisdictions in different states of varying sizes,
political compositions and demographics have suc-
cessfully bailed out of Section 5, belying Petitioner’s
contention that bailout serves to tailor the scope of
[page]4
the coverage formula “only at the margin.” Pet. Br. at
54-55.  See  Section I.A.  infra
.
Petitioners also claim that the bailout option is in
fact illusory, and too burdensome and expensive for
most jurisdictions to achieve.  Pet. Br. at 54. But this
is decidedly not the experience of amici.

Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions found the bailout
process both administratively feasible and cost-
effective.  Amici simply had to gather the necessary
information and data supporting bailout from records
we maintained in the ordinary course of business,
submit these materials to the U.S. Department of
Justice, and publicize the bailout in our community
media and post offices. After we were notified by the
Department of Justice that our jurisdiction had met
the bailout requirements, our legal counsel filed suit
and the necessary bailout papers in court. As for
expense, our experience is that the total cost of ob-
taining a bailout was approximately $5,000, which
includes staff time gathering the relevant data and
the filing of bailout documents in court.  See Section II
infra.
Further, contrary to Petitioner’s suggestion,
bailout is also achievable even if a jurisdiction discov-
ers during the bailout process that one or more of its
political subunits is not in full compliance with the
Act. In the course of the bailout process, numerous
jurisdictions have discovered that some of their
political subunits had inadvertently failed to timely
submit minor voting changes for Section 5 review, but
[page] 5
were able to resolve this issue with a prompt pre-
clearance submission of the changes to the Depart-
ment of Justice.  See Section III  infra

You can see the whole brief here.

Of course, this is an attorney who has expertise in bailing jurisdictions out from Section 5.  So if Section 5 were thrown out, he presumably would lose some business.  However, that doesn't invalidate what he writes.

But even if Alaska were to be released from Section 5 of the VRA, I would guess that the Board would still be required to redo the plan based on the standards of the Alaska Constitution.  


return to constitutionality of Voting Rights Act: In Plain English

On Wednesday, the Court will hear oral argument in a potentially historic case that has both civil rights activists and conservatives on the edge of their seats:  Shelby County v. Holder, a challenge t
- See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Another provision of the Act, Section 5, was intended to prevent discrimination against African-American voters through more subtle means:  it prohibits specified jurisdictions – selected because they have a history of discrimination – from changing their election procedures unless and until they receive permission from either a special three-judge panel of a federal district court in Washington, D.C., or the Department of Justice – a provision known as the “preclearance” requirement. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Another provision of the Act, Section 5, was intended to prevent discrimination against African-American voters through more subtle means:  it prohibits specified jurisdictions – selected because they have a history of discrimination – from changing their election procedures unless and until they receive permission from either a special three-judge panel of a federal district court in Washington, D.C., or the Department of Justice – a provision known as the “preclearance” requirement. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Another provision of the Act, Section 5, was intended to prevent discrimination against African-American voters through more subtle means:  it prohibits specified jurisdictions – selected because they have a history of discrimination – from changing their election procedures unless and until they receive permission from either a special three-judge panel of a federal district court in Washington, D.C., or the Department of Justice – a provision known as the “preclearance” requirement. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Another provision of the Act, Section 5, was intended to prevent discrimination against African-American voters through more subtle means:  it prohibits specified jurisdictions – selected because they have a history of discrimination – from changing their election procedures unless and until they receive permission from either a special three-judge panel of a federal district court in Washington, D.C., or the Department of Justice – a provision known as the “preclearance” requirement. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf
Another provision of the Act, Section 5, was intended to prevent discrimination against African-American voters through more subtle means:  it prohibits specified jurisdictions – selected because they have a history of discrimination – from changing their election procedures unless and until they receive permission from either a special three-judge panel of a federal district court in Washington, D.C., or the Department of Justice – a provision known as the “preclearance” requirement. - See more at: http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/02/court-to-return-to-constitutionality-of-voting-rights-act-in-plain-english/#sthash.PMHNvI0F.dpuf

Sunday, February 24, 2013

Alaska Supreme Court Says No To Redistricting Board - But Changes 36 to 22

[See Alaska Redistricting Board tab above for annotated index of all posts on the Board.]

Sorry folks, I've fallen asleep on the job.  Being out of state is taking its toll and I totally missed the Alaska Supreme Court's rejection of the Redistricting Board's petition for a rehearing.  They made two minor changes, substituting the number 22 for the original 36 in two places. 


Here's the decision (the rest of the 50 pages were the same except for these numbers):
Before:    Fabe, Chief Justice, Winfree and Stowers, Justices, and Matthews and Carpeneti, Senior Justices' [Maassen and Bolger, Justices, not participating]
On consideration of the Petition for Rehearing filed by the Alaska Redistricting Board on 1/7/13,

IT IS ORDERED:    The petitionfor rehearing is GRANTED to the following extent:
On page 12 of the Opinion, "36 unchanged house districts" is modified to read "22 unchanged house districts," and on page 13 "these 36 districts" is changed to "these 22 districts."

In all other respects, the petition for rehearing is DENIED. Entered by the direction of the court.

Supreme Court No. S-14721 Order Petition for Rehearing
Date of Order: 2/15/13



Let's look at that in context:

From the original decision:

Thus, upon remand, the Board was instructed to consider the requirements of the Alaska Constitution first when constructing districts.20    However, what the Board actually did upon remand was to create a Hickel template that maintained the boundaries of unchallenged districts from the original Proclamation Plan, resulting in 36 unchanged house districts. The Board asserts that these districts “were drawn with only the Alaska Constitution in mind” and thus they complied with the Hickel process.21

Moreover, when the Board first created these 36 districts, it did so in order to comply with the VRA; this is a clear violation of Hickel’s plain language. Although these districts went unchallenged, that does not change the fact that they were drawn with VRA considerations as the first priority. We do not know if these districts will meet the Alaska Constitution’s requirements of compactness, contiguity, and socio-economic integration, but they were not drawn with this purpose as the primary consideration.

From the Feb. 15 decision:
Thus, upon remand, the Board was instructed to consider the requirements of the Alaska Constitution first when constructing districts.20    However, what the Board actually did upon remand was to create a Hickel template that maintained the boundaries of unchallenged districts from the original Proclamation Plan, resulting in 22 unchanged house districts. The Board asserts that these districts “were drawn with only the Alaska Constitution in mind” and thus they complied with the Hickel process.21

Moreover, when the Board first created these 22 districts, it did so in order to comply with the VRA; this is a clear violation of Hickel’s plain language. Although these districts went unchallenged, that does not change the fact that they were drawn with VRA considerations as the first priority. We do not know if these districts will meet the Alaska Constitution’s requirements of compactness, contiguity, and socio-economic integration, but they were not drawn with this purpose as the primary consideration.

The rest of the 48 page written decision remained the same.  The only other difference I can see is that because of the new language explaining this modification, what was on pages 12 and 13 was bumped to pages 13 and 14.  And the new document is now 50 pages instead of 48.

And I'm not even sure the switch is correct.  In my post Fact Checking the Alaska Redistricting Board's Petition to the Alaska Supreme Court  I pointed out there was a difference between the "Hickel Template" and the "Hickel Plan" and that in the template 36 was the right number, but in the plan 22 was, but the Board switched back and forth between those terms in their argument.



My Take On What It Means

[You can see more background on all the issues including the Board's petition in a January 10, 2013 post Alaska Redistricting: 2010-2013 Overview.  This post covers some of the same ground, but focuses specifically on this decision.]

Basically, the court had told the Board that they needed to start out by making a redistricting map that is based on meeting the requirements of the Alaska Constitution - mainly that all districts be compact, contiguous, and socio-economically integrated.  These are not exactly objective standards, particularly the last one.  And in a state as big as Alaska with so much of the land sparsely populated, it is also difficult to keep the rural redistricts compact.  [There are other federal and state requirements but they aren't an issue in this.]

The Board also had to draw the map so that it would meet the requirements of the federal Voting Rights Act (VRA).  [Alaska Redistricting for the Masses Part 1 has a section explaining VRA] Because of past law suits, Alaska (along with 15 other, mostly Southern, states) must get pre-clearance from the US Department of Justice (DOJ) before its plan can become final.  To get approved, the new plan could not have fewer "Native" districts than in the previous map.  These are districts in which Alaska Natives have sufficient voting power to elect the candidate of their choice. 

The Board, as it began, decided that it should configure the Native districts first and then, they figured, everything else would be relatively easy.  There are enough people in the urban areas that they wouldn't have trouble creating viable districts there.  So that's what they did.  There was one board member Bob Brodie of Kodiak, who argued against this, saying the Board would be spending 90% of its time on 10% of the population.  But he was voted down.

Then, when they finished getting the Native districts drawn, they went on to do the rest.

Their justification for this was that without approval from the DOJ, their map wouldn't be legal.  The federal law takes precedence here over the state Constitution.  So if it's not possible to meet both the federal law and the state Constitution, then the Constitution loses.  So, therefore, they should do the Native Districts first.

Here's what they did:

Step 1:  Blank slate


Step 2:  Draw in Alaska Native districts (this map is completely fictional for demonstration only)






Step 3:  Draw the rest of the districts.

The Court wants them to do the 40 districts using the Alaska constitutional requirements first, and then adjust them to get the Native districts.

The Court's reasoning:

1.   Once you draw these (Native) districts, you've taken this geography and the population in it, out of the picture, limiting your options for the rest of the state.  Thus, these Native Districts affect how the rest are drawn and could affect whether they are constitutional or not.

2.  If you start this way, the Court says it has no way to determine if your deviations from the Alaska Constitution are the least they can be.  They argue that they need to see a constitutional map first,  and then the VRA compliant map drawn from the constitutional map.  That way they can compare the two maps to see if the deviations are the least possible.

The Court, using a 1992 Alaska Supreme Court decision, told the Board, at several points in this marathon, to follow the "Hickel Process."  That means that first they draw a map just using the Alaska Constitutional requirements.  THEN, they make adjustments to that map to meet the VRA.  In the end, the Supreme Court believes it can look at the two maps,  to determine if there was the least deviation possible.

My sense of the Redistricting Board is that they are frustrated.  They believe that they have worked hard and done their job.  They have managed to switch enough district lines to break the Bi-partisan Senate coalition and put in a Republican majority, but they believe they did that fairly.  I suspect they believe that the Supreme Court (the then Supreme Court Chief Justice appointed the only Democrat on the Board) is acting as partisan as they did (particularly the Chair and Member Holms) and they're not happy.

Why do I say this?  Well, last March when they were told to follow the Hickel plan, they sort of responded - You want a Hickel Plan?  We'll give you a Hickel Plan, and went through the motions without conviction.  They came up with four options - the one they wanted and three more that were so ridiculous there was no way they could be approved.  But even then, when they evaluated their preferred option, they explained why the oddest parts were clearly constitutional, but when they looked at the other three they focused on why they were unconstitutional.  [You can see my post on that meeting for more detail.]

And the most recent meeting showed no statesmanship toward the Court by (particularly) Mr. Torgerson and Mr. Holm.   Board chair Torgerson didn't seem to make any effort to conceal his disgust with the Court.  He said things like (these are from my rough notes of the meeting and not quite verbatim based on listening online.  I couldn't find anything up  transcripts of the meeting on the Board's website):

"History with this judge, he allows everything, truth, untruth, no one seen it, bring it on."

Instead of Separation of Powers, it was Usurpation of Powers.

"Clear as mud."

And from Board member Holm:

"I don’t understand how they can have it both ways.  You aren’t required to submit it, but you are required to have Hickel plan.  Makes no sense to me."

And they talked about appealing the decision to the US Supreme Court.  I was wondering if these guys had even read the decision.  I saw no ability on their parts to see anything but their own view of the world.  I'm not saying they need to agree with the Court on every point, but they should at least be able to understand the reasoning and recognize there's a valid difference of opinion.

They've decided to wait to hear what the US Supreme Court does in the Shelby County v.  Holder case (pdf) which is scheduled to be heard on February 27.  It's a case in which the County is suing to be released from pre-clearance by the Department of Justice based on Sec. 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

In the meantime they are meeting again to choose a new Executive Director since the original staff needed to find other jobs since last June.

Their rough schedule (see post on their Feb. 12, 2013 meeting)  has them meeting to draft a Hickel plan from April 2-5.  Given how long it took last year, this seems like a very unrealistic schedule, unless they draw their maps privately before the meetings start.


At Wickersham's Conscience the title of his post on the decision is "Alaska Supreme Court Bitch Slaps Redistricting Board."  He concludes the post:

It’s WC’s fond hope that after an adequate interval, the supreme court will step up and write a lawful redistricting plan. After all, that’s what has happened in each of the prior redistricting efforts. It’s increasingly clear that the current Board has no interest in following the law. 

I have to say, if the new plans reflect the attitude I heard at the Feb. 12 board meeting, the Court is likely to lose its patience with the Board completely.