Wednesday, May 16, 2012

"In the role playing game known as The Real World, 'Straight White Male' is the lowest difficulty setting there is."

In the post If Republicans don't get women, then it's also true that Democrats don't get white males.  I tried to point out that while white males are far more likely to hold positions of power in the United States than non-whites and females, most white males don't feel particularly powerful.  The issue isn't that white males have all the power, but they have fewer obstacles on the way to power.  Or, as some have put it, more privileges.

John Scalzi at Whatever wanted to explain this idea (of more privileges) without using the word privilege.  He did it well by writing about life as if it were a role playing game.  I understand the basics of such games because my son indoctrinated me years ago.  My daughter sent me the link.  Thanks to both of you.

A little into his post, he sets up the ground rules. 
Okay: In the role playing game known as The Real World, “Straight White Male” is the lowest difficulty setting there is.
This means that the default behaviors for almost all the non-player characters in the game are easier on you than they would be otherwise. The default barriers for completions of quests are lower. Your leveling-up thresholds come more quickly. You automatically gain entry to some parts of the map that others have to work for. The game is easier to play, automatically, and when you need help, by default it’s easier to get.
Now, once you’ve selected the “Straight White Male” difficulty setting, you still have to create a character, and how many points you get to start — and how they are apportioned — will make a difference. Initially the computer will tell you how many points you get and how they are divided up. If you start with 25 points, and your dump stat is wealth, well, then you may be kind of screwed. If you start with 250 points and your dump stat is charisma, well, then you’re probably fine. Be aware the computer makes it difficult to start with more than 30 points; people on higher difficulty settings generally start with even fewer than that.

Read it all here.

Anchorage Gets Jolted Just After 7am (4.6)

Some quakes you wonder about - "Was that a quake?"

Not this one.  The room jerked hard as if startled.  And then it was over, maybe a few seconds.  No damage here, but it definitely got our attention.

[I changed the title from 4.8 to 4.6.  The original USGS maps - below - said 4.8.]

UPDATE 7:23am  From the US Geological Survey Earthquake Page

Map from USGS


Map from USGS
The 3:02 UTC is 7:02 Anchorage time. It felt much stronger than what I associate with 4.8 [4.6] but that's probably because it was very close - it says (12km - 7miles) south of Anchorage.  That begs the question - where do the measure "Anchorage" at?  Downtown?  The airport? 


To put this into context, here's a list of earthquakes today in Anchorage from the Alaska Earthquake Information Center at the University of Alaska Fairbanks.  The give the 7:02 quake a 4.6. 


Screen shot at 8:20am 5/16/2012









Magnitude and Age Legend for Earthquakes




157 Earthquakes Shown on This Page:




Local Time




Magnitude




Region
07:56 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.28 ML in the central region of Alaska
07:42 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.96 ML in the Kenai Peninsula region of Alaska
07:22 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 Unknown in the central region of Alaska
07:12 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.44 ML in the central region of Alaska
07:02 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 4.61 ML in the Cook Inlet region of Alaska
05:21 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.84 ML in the Cook Inlet region of Alaska
05:13 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.72 ML in the Cook Inlet region of Alaska
04:57 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.28 ML in the central region of Alaska
04:44 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 2.13 ML in the central region of Alaska
03:20 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 Unknown in the central region of Alaska
03:06 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 2.59 ML in the Cook Inlet region of Alaska
02:29 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 3.07 ML in the Kenai Peninsula region of Alaska
02:21 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 0.82 ML in the central region of Alaska
01:49 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 1.07 ML in the central region of Alaska
01:35 AM AKDT Wednesday May 16th, 2012 0.50 ML in the central region of Alaska









This historic summary is from the same page as the second map.
Tectonic Summary Seismotectonics of the Aleutian Arc The Aleutian arc extends about 3,000 km from the Gulf of Alaska to the Kamchatka Peninsula. It marks the region where the Pacific plate subducts into the mantle beneath the North America plate. This subduction is responsible for the generation of the Aleutian Islands and the deep offshore Aleutian Trench. Relative to a fixed North America plate, the Pacific plate is moving northwest at a rate that increases from about 55 mm per year at the arc's eastern edge to 75 mm per year near its western terminus. In the east, the convergence of the plates is nearly perpendicular to the plate boundary. However, because of the boundary's curvature, as one travels westward along the arc, the subduction becomes more and more oblique to the boundary until the relative plate motion becomes parallel to the arc at the Near Islands near its western edge. Subduction zones such as the Aleutian arc are geologically complex and produce numerous earthquakes from multiple sources. Deformation of the overriding North America plate generates shallow crustal earthquakes, whereas slip at the interface of the plates generates interplate earthquakes that extend from near the base of the trench to depths of 40 to 60 km. At greater depths, Aleutian arc earthquakes occur within the subducting Pacific plate and can reach depths of 300 km. Since 1900, six great earthquakes (M8.3 or larger) have occurred along the Aleutian Trench, Alaska Peninsula, and Gulf of Alaska: M8.4 1906 Rat Islands; M 8.6 1938 Shumagin Islands; M8.6 1946 Unimak Island; M8.6 1957 Andreanof Islands; M 9.2 1964 Prince William Sound; and M8.7 1965 Rat Islands.

"We have 5 options before us that we’ve talked about all weekend."

"For a decision-making or policy making body, the Open Meetings Act defines a meeting to be:
a gathering of members of a governmental body when . . . more than three members or a majority of the members, whichever is less, are present, [and] a matter upon which the governmental body is empowered to act is considered by the members collectively . . . .32" (link to Alaska's Open Meeting Law)



The Alaska Redistricting Board had five options before it when it met Monday, May 14, 2012.  All were different ways of dividing Southeast Alaska into four house and two senate districts.  The posted agenda was:
1. CALL TO ORDER
2. ROLL CALL
3. APPROVAL OF AGENDA
4. LITIGATION UPDATE
5. EXECUTIVE SESSION*
6. BOARD ADOPTION OF REVISED SOUTHEAST DISTRICTS
7. ADJOURNMENT
*if needed
They were on item 4 when I got there a few minutes late.  There was no executive session.  So I heard all of agenda item 6 - Board adoption of revised Southeast districts.

There was almost no discussion on the options.  Three board members were in the meeting room and two (McConnochie and Holm) were there by phone.

The Board has been good about mentioning the Open Meetings Act every now and then and the Chair has on more than a few occasions pointed out that no more than two Board members can talk about Board business outside of a meeting.  It's not easy, especially when people are working close together, to avoid three or four people who happen to talk about the districts, say, when they go back to get a coffee in the office.  The meetings have been VERY open.  I complained early on about lack of good notice about the meetings.  But for people who know where to look, it's easy to get onto the email list or check the Board's website.  And the Board has done a stellar job of making meetings accessible - by phone and online.  They even got the Superior Court hearings in Fairbanks available by phone.

But I couldn't help wondering how the Board could come to their decision to choose Option A with so little discussion.  And some of the things that were said also raised questions in my mind.

Early in the Item 6 discussion the Chair, John Torgerson, said:
I know we talked about all five of them over the weekend, but option A is the one that we seem to be -- you seem to be gravitating toward, and me, I guess.
[Quotes from the meeting are taken from the transcript of the meeting posted here. My notes were pretty close, but the transcript is precise.]

PeggyAnn McConnochie had the floor long enough to say that the Supreme Court's decision had caused consternation, that it wasn't right or reasonable, that she didn't like any of the options available, but she thought Option A would satisfy the Supreme Court, though it wouldn't satisfy Alaskans.

And then she moved to adopt "Plan A."  Jim Holm seconded it.

That was it.  None of the other members had spoken.  Chair Torgerson had to interject:
" Like I stated earlier, we do have before us five options, so if anybody wants to well, maybe just for the record we should talk about those options under discussion of the motion. I think it certainly would be germane."
Why for the record?  Why not because you need to understand all the options before you can choose one?  The Board did a lot of stuff 'for the record' when they were testing the Constitutionality of the private party plans and their own plans when they came up with the Amended Proclamation Plan.  It sounded very staged.  Like they'd made a list of things they would need to get on the record at the public meeting.  This sounded similar to me.

Taylor Bickford then went through each of the options.  Mostly it was descriptions, things like,
"Option C is another plan that looks at instead of taking north Juneau out of the Borough, taking south Juneau out of the Borough. So again 31 is identical to what we have seen in previous board plans. District 32 is south Juneau and it runs through Excursion Inlet, Gustavus and goes up to grab Haines, Skagway and that area. 34 then is basically Sitka, Wrangell, Petersburg. And then again Ketchikan is the Borough plus Prince of Wales Island. The deviations for this plan are on the next sheet. The overall range for the region is 1.88 percent.  Any questions about that option?
There were no questions and he went on to Option D.

People were explaining, not asking questions, not debating.  Everyone seemed to know that Option A was the answer and now, with Torgerson's request to put things on the record, they were reciting what they knew.  The only question was Holm's "Another issue would be Socio-Econ Issues.  Do we have to consider that in Option A?"  This came after Attorney Michael White discussed compactness and contiguity.  It seemed more like a prompt than a question. (Compactness, contiguity, and socio-economic integration are the three key state constitutional criteria.)

I asked Board Member Brodie right after the meeting how the Board, considering the Open Meetings Law, had come to their decision with so little discussion.  Randy Ruederich answered for him.  I think he said something about Taylor Bickford (executive director) and PeggyAnn McConnochie (board member) working on the maps over the weekend.  I asked Brodie again later and he said he'd also worked on maps and came up with something similar to Option A. He also mentioned concern about how the plan didn't take into account Native Alaskans and their needs.

The Board is under a short time frame to get this out.  They had a weekend and needed to get some work done.  I have no problem with that.  They needed some maps to choose from.  But the choosing, and the discussion around choosing should have happened at the meeting on Monday.   It's possible that they sent out maps to the other members as they worked on them, or  that PeggyAnn McConnochie, who worked on the maps, called all the other members one by one, and explained the benefits of Option A.  

But what exactly did Torgerson mean when he said,
"I know we talked about all five of them over the weekend, but option A is the one that we seem to be -- you seem to be gravitating toward, and me, I guess."

From this comment and from how ready they were to just vote for Option A without any discussion, it would appear there was a lot of discussion over the weekend.  Maybe he meant "You and me" when he said 'we,' and not the whole board.  But everyone seemed ready to vote without the discussion.  Torgerson seemed to feel he needed to get some discussion on the record before they voted.  There's a good chance that what they did technically complied with the  Open Meetings Act - that there were never more than two members talking to each other at the same time about redistricting.  Perhaps the Executive Director and the Attorney talked with two Board Members at a time.   If in the end, they do that enough so that they all agree on the best option and the Chair knows that and which option they agree on, does that still meet the spirit of the open meetings act? Especially if factors they considered in making their decision aren't discussed in the open meeting?

For instance,  there was no mention at the meeting that Rep. Peggy Wilson (R) would no longer be paired with Rep. Kyle Johanson (R).  Or that Alaska Native Rep. Bill Thomas (R) of Haines would now be paired in a district with North Juneau Rep. Cathy Munoz (R).  I didn't catch that until I read Tuesday's Anchorage Daily News.  (The Southeast map wasn't detailed and the individual district maps weren't available. Plus I don't know Southeast well enough to catch this on my own.)

But knowing this, Bickford's comments about trying to keep North Juneau in the Borough now make more sense.  So does attorney Michael White's comment about how losing the Native Influence district and pairing Native incumbents would be looked at by the Department of Justice (who have to pre-clear the plan's compliance with the Voting Rights Act.)

The Supreme Court had told the Board to redo the Southeast districts without considering the Voting Rights Act, only the State Constitution.  So in order to make the most compact possible district, presumably, the pairings changed. And, I'm guessing, the new pairing was one of the reason for the gnashing of teeth by the Board about the impact on Native Alaskan representation.  (Maps of the previous and the latest version of Southeast districts are here.)

But they didn't mention that Option A paired two Native incumbents (Rep. Thomas and Sen. Kookesh) with other incumbents. (Kookesh* already had been paired in previous plans.)   Presumably they all knew about this, but it wasn't discussed at the meeting.  Or if they didn't know, why weren't they asking more questions?

I don't know how much information, if any, that affected the decisions wasn't heard by the  five or six members of the public listening to the Board that day.  PeggyAnn McConnochie, the Board member from Southeast, who seems to have spent the most time on this, has been one of the most hardworking and task oriented members of the Board. 

But since the Board so obviously did have a lot of communication over the weekend, the lack of an explanation of how they worked over the weekend, inevitably leads observers to attempt to fill in the gaps.  It would have been good for the spirit of the Open Meetings Act if they had explained what the process had been that got the Board ready to vote with minimal discussion, except for what the Chair wanted on the record. 

[After completing this post, but not yet having posted it, I found a relevant sentence in the Board's Notice of Compliance with the Supreme Court's Order of May 10:
At that meeting [Monday, May 14], the Board reviewed and considered five different configurations of the Southeast districts prepared by Board staff with individual Board member input over the weekend.
I would say the board reviewed the five configurations, but it sure seemed like they'd already considered them.  It is worded to show compliance with the Open Meetings Act, but doesn't answer my question about why they all seemed to so ready to vote for Option A with no discussion, and how the discussion they had, prompted by the chair, really had no give and take people normally have in a discussion.]


*Senators Kookesh and Stedman were mentioned in the meeting.  But this was in the discussion on truncation.  Should their district be truncated or not since one incumbent was in essentially 80% of his old district (no need for truncation) but the other had lost most of his old district (which would require truncation)?  I learned after the meeting that the whole discussion was moot since both their terms expire this year and so they automatically both have to run in November 2012. 

Tuesday, May 15, 2012

Redistricting Board Concert Approves SE Metes and Bounds


I knew today's meeting, if they had one, would be short.  So I stayed home and listened to it online.  That meant it was easy to record.

Here's audio of the meeting. It's really short. The board's been at this for over a year now and they are getting a little loosey-goosey.  I don't know that's a bad thing as long as they are serving the public interest.

The audio begins with a short concert by Chair Torgerson as he waits for board member Jim Holm to get on line. Basically they then approve the Metes and Bounds for the four districts in SE that they approved yesterday.  No one says they have actually read what staffer Eric Sandberg has done.  These are pretty tedious descriptions of the districts.(You can find below the 2002 description of House District 1 - Ketchikan.)

I'm trying this new audio site, but not sure how to embed the audio. This link takes you to their site where you can hear the audio.

 I've tried to embed a player here, but it doesn't seem to be working on my computer, at least not in preview.  Maybe when I actually post it, I'll see it.  Let me know if you can see it and use it and your browser and operating system (mac, pc, etc.).  Thanks
[UPDATE: I've got it working in Safari, but not Firefox which says the needed plugin isn't available.] [UPDATE 2:45 - Ivan at Chirbit emailed me where to find the embed code. It should be working now just fine.]
[UPDATE Nov 1, 2021 - You can't listen to it here, but the link at the bottom of the image works.  It's a good example of what I mean by "loosey-goosey". ]




Check this out on Chirbit
House District 1 – Senate District A – Ketchikan House District 1 includes all uplands and islands bounded by a line beginning at the northernmost point of Coffman Cove City, southeasterly along the city boundary to the western shore of Clarence Strait, south to an intersection with the mouth of Eagle Creek, easterly to the centerline of Clarence Strait, southeasterly along the centerline to a point due west of Lemesurier Point, east to Lemesurier Point, east across Union Bay to Union Point, east across Vixen Inlet to the eastern shore of Ernest Sound, northeasterly along the shore to the head of Santa Anna Inlet, easterly along a nonvisible line to the common boundary of the Wrangell-Petersburg and Prince of Wales-Outer Ketchikan Census Areas, northeasterly along the common census area boundary to Grant Creek, easterly to Burroughs Bay, southerly to Ketchikan Gateway Borough, southerly and westerly along the borough boundary (around Gravina Island) to a point due east of Grindall Island, west to Grindall Island, west along its south shore, west across Grindall Passage to the shore of Kasaan Bay, west along the shore to Kasaan City, north and west around the city boundary to Thorne Bay Road, north along the road to Thorne Bay City, west and south along the city boundary to its southwestern most point in Kasaan Bay, southwesterly through the water to the centerline of Twelvemile Arm, southwest along the centerline of the arm, to and including Cat Island, west to the mouth of Harris River, west and north to its headwaters, west along a nonvisible line to Black Bear Lake, west following its northern shore to a linking creek to Black Lake, north along a linking creek to an intersection (just south of Big Salt Lake) with Big Salt Road, north to North Island Road, northwest to National Forest Development Road 23, north to National Forest Development Road 30, east to Logjam Creek, north to Sweetwater Lake, north al ong the lake’s western shore to Barnes Lake, east along the lake’s southern shore to Coffman Cove City, east along the city boundary to point of beginning.

Signs of Spring And Photoshop Fun

Despite the chill still lingering, it's spring and we can tell from these two pictures I took yesterday.

There's no snow left in the parking lot, but this visitor can't find a parking place.



The rest are all the same picture with a little photoshop enhancement.  This was one of three dandelions blooming in my front yard. 



From top to bottom: 
  • Stamp 
  • Glowing Edges
  • Colored Pencil and 
  • Bas Relief
filters in Photoshop. 

Monday, May 14, 2012

Redistricting Board Picks Southeast Map Option A

The Board adopted Option A to submit to the Supreme Court. Last week the Supreme Court ordered that the Board's Amended Proclamation Plan would be used as the Interim Plan for the 2012 elections, but the Board had to revise the Southeast Alaska districts, constructing them solely considering the Alaska Constitutional requirements and NOT the federal Voting Rights Act as they had done the first time.  The Board had 5 options before the meeting which I posted earlier today. (Actually I missed the fifth and originally posted that there were only four, but all five maps were there.)

PeggyAnn McConnochie, the Board's only member from Southeast Alaska, who had worked on the previous maps of Southeast and this one over the weekend, expressed strong displeasure with the Court's ruling and with the new map itself.  From my notes, this is one of several times she conveyed her displeasure with what she felt she was forced to do:
We’ve been told something by Supreme Court that I think is neither right nor reasonable - not considering Native districts, Native communities, etc. 
Does Option A fit the Supreme Court’s standards?  Yes.  Do I like it?  Absolutely not.

Here's Option A.



Here's Southeast the way it was before the Supreme Court told the Board to redo it.


[UPDATE 3pm:  I should have mentioned the Board expects this to get to the Supreme Court tomorrow and that parties will have until Friday to comment.]
[UPDATE 5pm:  The Board's website now has links to maps for each of the four redrawn districts.
MAPS


Here are my rough running notes of the meeting. BEWARE - there are inaccuracies and omissions but you should get a sense of what happened. The transcript should be up soon on the Redistricting Board's website. May14 Alaska Redistricting Board Meeting ROUGH Notes

Southeast Maps - Redistricting Board Offers 5 Options

Below are the four [five] maps the Redistricting Board is proposing in response to the Supreme Court's order to use the Amended Proclamation Plan as the Interim Plan - with changes in Southeast Alaska districts.  I haven't had time to look at these closely.

[UPDATE 11:56am:  I looked too quickly this morning and didn't see the 5th option.  The Board adopted Option A.  Look for new post on the meeting soon.]


Alaska Redistricting Board Southeast Maps The Board meets today at 10:15. You can watch online here. Or, if you're in downtown Anchorage, you can stop in their office at 411 W. 4th, Suite 302.

Tenor John Nuzzo And Anchorage Children's Choir

I've learned that hearing opera singers in small venues is amazing, so Sunday we went to UAA's stunning little recital hall  - Michael Hood, wherever you are, thanks! - to hear John Ken Nuzzo sing a collection of songs in Italian and Japanese. (According to Wikipedia, Nuzzo's father is Italian-American and his mother is Japanese.)  After the first pause he came back without his bow tie and the audience loosened up a bit as well.

After Nuzzo's performance there was a brief break and the Anchorage Children's Choir came onstage.  He's been working with them this week and he and they seemed to be having a great time together.  Here's a brief excerpt of them singing Finiculi Finicula.  





 



 He's been spending a lot of time recently doing concerts in Japan and work related to Tsunami relief. 

Sunday, May 13, 2012

Mothers Day Gift That Keeps Giving for 50 Years







It was the late 1950s.  I was, maybe, 14 or 15.  I didn't have a drivers license yet.  I walked about a mile and a half to the big, block-sized nursery on National and Barrington.  (It's long gone and built up now.)  I found a cymbidium orchid plant with three blooming spikes.  It was spectacular.  It was stretching my budget - I have no idea any more how much it was - but I had enough money and bought it. 



Then I had to get it home.  It was in a 12 or 15 inch rubber pot full of dirt and lots of long green leaves hanging all over and three spikes of orchids.  I just hugged it to my belly and walked the mile and a half back home.  I can't say that I remember much, but it was hard to see.  This potted one below gives you a little idea of what I was carrying.  This one was just starting to bloom in my mom's backyard in February when we were there. 


And that's just one spike.

The one above was also from February.  My mom had cut the spike and brought it inside.

That trek back from the nursery was at least 50 years ago.  My mom has separated the plant a number of times over the years, plus she's received others.  But whatever month - this year it bloomed in February, not May - my mom lets me know 'your cymbidium' has a spike.  Then it's budding.  And finally, it's blooming. 

I have to give my mom a lot of the credit for the longevity of these plants.  Plus the fact that her L.A. near-the-beach location provides perfect moderate, damp weather.  This is probably is the best gift I've ever given in terms of its longevity and its role in the relationship between my mother and me. 

I did send my cards out early last week and when I spoke to my Mom this morning she said she'd gotten it.  But you can't wish your mom "Happy Mother's Day"  too often. 

Happy Mother's Day

Suppose Someone Found a Body . . .

Maybe in the bushes near a bike trail through the city.  It wasn't clear how the person died.  There were some bruises.  Did the person fall?  Was the person hit?  Was it hypothermia? Is our basic instinct that everyone is honest and no one would kill anyone?  No.  We know there are nasty folks out there. Maybe in the bushes near a bike trail through the city.  It wasn't clear how the person died.  There were some bruises.  Did the person fall?  Was the person hit?  Was it hypothermia? Is our basic instinct that everyone is honest and no one would kill anyone?  No.  We know there are nasty folks out there.
All the Anchorage Police department needs is "reasonable suspicion" to launch a criminal investigation.  Less than the higher level proof "probable cause" required to charge someone with a crime.  Which is less than the "proof beyond a reasonable doubt" for a murder conviction.

The Nitty Gritty:  This is a long post.  There are two key questions:
  • Does the Anchorage Assembly have the power to call a recount at an election?
  • Should it have that power?

Can you imagine the police department saying, "Well, there are some irregularities, but we'll only conduct an autopsy if a citizen is willing to pay for it"?   A group of citizens, concerned that foul play might be involved here, comes forward but they can only raise $1500.  So the crime lab says, "For $1500 we can check two internal organs, or we could examine the head, or we could check on the broken leg bone.  Which shall it be?"


That's pretty much what has happened in Anchorage over the last five weeks. Despite many election irregularities, the only way to get a recount was if citizens paid.  In an email to the ten citizens who called for a recount, and ponied up the $1500 necessary to recount 15 precincts, Assembly Chair Ernie Hall wrote:
I deeply thank you and the other nine outstanding citizens who filed the application for the recount. Without your successful application, Municipal election code would not have permitted a recount.  [emphasis added.]
There was an election with many (we don't know how many exactly) voters turned away from the polls because there weren't enough ballots.  There was at least one voting machine with a broken seal. When the election commissioner said at an Assembly meeting that there were no broken seals , and the election worker who had reported the broken seal  stood up to protest, she was removed from the meeting. [At Tuesday night's Assembly meeting the chair of the Assembly apologized to the election worker who had been ejected last week.]

The technical review board, made up of IT experts, that used to test the machines before and after the election, was disbanded a few years back.  There was a religious group that knowingly sent out false information encouraging people to register to vote on election day.  Why do I say knowingly? Because they had previously informed their people that they had to register 30 days in advance, which is what the law says.

There are other clues that suggest that the voter counts may be funny.  A poll taken less than a week before the election found a controversial proposition on the ballot leading with 50% yes to 41% no.  It lost 58% to 42% and the pollster acknowledged he couldn't recall a poll that was that far off from the actual outcome.  Parks and Recreation bonds that normally just squeak by or lose, won with large majorities.

Was the city going to do an autopsy of the election?  The election chief defended the electronic voting machines on the grounds that you can check them by counting the ballots.  But unless a group of citizens put up $100 per precinct, the city was not going to count any ballots.  They would have a retired judge check out irregularities after the election was certified and there was no guarantee the ballots would survive 30 days after the certification.

And in Wednesday's ADN, Kyle Hopkins reports that Ernie Hall said that the judge's investigation would not look into "the technical performance of the voting machines."  He did say that might be pursued by the Assembly's Ethics and Election committee with the State of Alaska.

OK, this is not black and white.  When the police find a body, they don't necessarily know if it was natural causes, an accident, or murder.  And with the recent election, we don't know if the problems were incompetence, lack of resources, or intent to disrupt or to corrupt the election.  But there's enough evidence that something(s) serious has occurred.  But unlike when we find a dead body and people immediately wonder about foul play, with the election, people's assumption (at least the officials) seem to be to dismiss the possibility of foul play.

However this turns out, there are several issues involved here:


1.  Certification of the election

The legal opinion the Assembly got from a private, contracted attorney, Tim Petumenos, basically said that unless any wrong doing could have affected the outcome of the election, the Assembly was required to certify the election.
Errors in conducting the election which are not targeted to bring about a particular result are treated differently than those which appear to be aimed at affecting the outcome. Outright corrupt or criminal conduct which may have been aimed at affecting the outcome of  an election is insufficient ground to invalidate an election unless the conduct reasonably had the potential for changing the outcome.
The rationale the Assembly made was that none of the contests on the ballot were close enough to be affected.  This is probably true.  But can you actually know before you investigate?  Unless tampering with the voting machines was at the serious number level, combined with disenfranchising of the people who didn't vote because of the shortage of ballots.  The Assembly did certify the election, but conditionally, depending on the result of the recount.

2.  Questions about how the election was administered

This would look at the procedures that led to the shortage of ballots and the inadequate response when the clerk's office began to hear about the shortages.  It would be looking at other administrative ways to make future elections problem free.

3.  Questions about the security of the voting machines. 

There are two levels of questions here:
A.    Local Issues.  How are the machines and ballots handled in Anchorage?  There were reports of broken seals and that the election chief told election officials not to worry about that.  There are questions about where the machines were stored and the security of the ballots from the moment they left the, assumed, safety of the Clerk's office until they are used by the voters, and until it is certain that they are no longer needed to confirm that the voting machines counted the votes properly.
B.    National Issues.  Nationally, voting machines have had problems.  There are security issues about people tampering with the hardware and software.  Brad Friedman is an expert on election fraud and voting machine problems, who writes Bradblog. He has been watching the Anchorage election closely.  Reports on past national voting machine problems can be found at the Center For Voting Technology Research. 
Or you can watch the video Hacking Democracy.

4.  Questions about what looks like an attempt to disrupt the election.  
Jim Minnery of the Alaska Family Council sent emails out to his list telling people to register 30 days before the election or they couldn't vote.  Then just before the election he sent another email telling people they could register and vote on the day of the election.  I don't claim to know what his intentions were, but the more ineligible voters to come to the polls and take up the time of election officials, the harder it would be for regular voters to vote.  This should certainly be on the investigator's list of issues to investigate.  And it appears, from the ADN article to be on the list. 




Back to the autopsy-vote count analogy.

Remember what Ernie Hall said in the email cited at the beginning?
Without your successful application, Municipal election code would not have permitted a recount.
Really?  Is it true the Code wouldn't permit a recount?  The Assembly got advice from the Municipal Attorney and from a privately contracted law firm. 

The Petumenos  Report (the contracted report) said that the Assembly had to certify the election unless there were issues that could change the result.  Much of it focuses on the responsibility of the Assembly to certify the election, unless there was evidence to suggest that the election outcome would have changed.
"Inconvenience to voters is not sufficient.  Errors in conducting the election which are not targeted to bring about a particular result are treated differently than those which appear to be aimed at affecting the outcome.  Outright corrupt or criminal conduct which may have been aimed at affecting the outcome of an election is insufficient ground to invalidate an election unless the conduct reasonably had the potential for changing the outcome.  This is true even when people may go to jail for their wrongful conduct."

If the Petumenos Report,  discusses whether the Assembly can, on its own, call for a recount, I didn't find that part.  The Municipal Attorney's Memorandum to the Assembly addressed the following questions:
A.  When voters are denied the opportunity to vote because of a lack of ballots, what are the standards and remedies applied by the courts in determining whether a new election is required?
B.   May the Assembly call for a special election  even if the failure is not sufficient to change the outcome? 
A quick review of the report didn't turn up a prohibition on the Assembly calling for a recount.  It's not clear to me why Ernie Hall said there could not be a recount unless the citizen group called for one.  The Municipal Code does not explicitly say the Assembly may or may not call for a recount.  It does give three situations which require a recount.

The Municipal Code allows for defeated candidates and groups of ten citizens to call for a recount.  It also says that the Clerk 'shall' initiate a recount if there is a tie.

From the Municipal Code Chapter 28: Elections




A.
Within five days after the election commission has adopted its report of the results of the election, a defeated candidate or ten qualified voters may file an application with the municipal clerk for a recount of the votes from any particular precinct, or for any particular office, proposition or question. The date on which the municipal clerk receives an application rather than the date of mailing or transmission determines whether the application is filed within the time allowed under this subsection.
B.
If two or more candidates tie in having the highest number of votes for the same office, to which only one candidate is to be elected, the municipal clerk shall initiate a recount.


The Code above does not explicitly give the Assembly the power to order a recount.  Nor does it prohibit the Assembly from initiating a recount. 

Changing Times, Changing Needs  -   From deciding close races to testing voting machine integrity

The recount ordinance comes from the pre-voting machine era.  The intent of this part of the ordinances was to resolving close elections.  It gives a losing candidate or citizens the right to call for a recount, at their expense, to double check that the votes were counted right.

But another reason to recount by hand in 2012 is to check the accuracy of the voting machines.  There were revisions to the ordinance in 2001.  Although the 2001 revisions came after Florida election fiasco in the 2000 presidential race, the amendments to the much older basic law  were to add language necessary to accommodate the introduction of voting machines to Muni elections.

Under Ernie Hall's interpretation, if the election is not close, the Assembly couldn't order a recount, even if there were a Youtube of people tampering with the machines.  The assumption was made in this election that the margins of victory were so large that the outcome of an election wouldn't change, even with a recount.  But that, I think, was based on the paradigm in place before voting machines and their vulnerability to tampering were widely known.  (Actually that vulnerability still isn't widely known which is why I recommend you watch the movie Hacking Democracy.)  But today, when hackers could reprogram the voting machines to, say, give every fourth vote for Party X to Party Y, it's possible that there could be significant deviations in the actual count.

Since the Assembly is the body that makes the law, it would seem, in this case, they could choose to interpret the  existing code, given its ambiguity here, to allow them to recount the ballots.  It would take as many votes to approve recounting the votes as it would take to amend the ordinance to explicitly allow it.  And since elections are the Assembly's responsibility, a mayor is probably wise not to veto such an ordinance.

The ballots are the body of the election

In a sense, the marked ballots are the corpse. It's difficult to prove the intent of a criminal. The ballots are the forensic evidence of the integrity of the voting machines.  If the ballots demonstrate that the voting machines were highly inaccurate, then suspicion shifts toward misdeeds.   But, if the hand count of the ballots matches the count of the machines, distrust can be more easily dispelled.  But if the ballots aren't kept securely, are allowed to deteriorate,  or are destroyed, it's much harder to identify criminal intent.


So where are we now?

1.  There were a number of irregularities in the election, some identified above
2.  There's a recount going on now of 15 precincts which should tell us if there is a significant discrepancy between the machine count and the hand count of the ballots in this sample of precincts.  This sample wasn't scientifically chosen, so it's not clear whether no serious problems in this sample can be seen as an indicator that the other 106 precincts were also without serious problems.
3.  There will be an investigation by retired Judge Daniel Hensley.  It's unclear whether he will have the time or inclination or resources to do a comprehensive investigation.  As mentioned above already, according to the ADN story "the judge's investigation would not look into "the technical performance of the voting machines."

Given the broken seal report, the loss of the technical review board, and the general concerns about security that have surfaced around the country, it would seem appropriate that someone is looking into the kinds of precautions the necessary to prevent hacking into the Anchorage (actually the State of Alaska's) voting machines.  Even if the recount does not indicate evidence of hacking this time (a likely outcome in my mind) that doesn't mean they couldn't have been hacked.  This is a good opportunity to review their security.


Almost to the end (if you're tired from reading this far, think how I feel)

This post covers a lot of ground.  Not too many people will get this far.  Perhaps it will be of use to the investigator.  There were lots of problems in the election.  A key one I focused on here is the inability of the Assembly to call for a recount on its own.  The integrity of our elections shouldn't be dependent on 10 citizens coming forward with enough money to call for a recount.  If there are enough suspicious circumstances, the Assembly should know it has the power to order a recount to check the integrity of the machines.